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Janice, a 26-year-old insulin-dependent diabetic came in to see her GP whom she had known for four years. She was requesting lancets for blood glucose monitoring. On receipt of the prescription she asked if it was possible for her to be referred to a clinic where sexual problems could be discussed. When asked what the problem was she hastily stressed it was her problem, not her husband’s, and that she had a block when making love.

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*300/197/1*

In summary, the overall picture shows that sterilization is a good and acceptable method of contraception, widely used by both men and women. A few will have regrets about the operation, but this number is a very small proportion of the total. It should be possible to reduce the number of these unfortunate people by adequate discussion before the operation, and particularly if those people who are most likely to be at risk can be identified and offered help from a doctor with skills to help them to look at the less conscious aspects of their feelings and actions.

*262/197/1*

Paula was a more typical cap-user in cultural terms; she worked in advertising and lived in an expensive city pied-a-terre with her German fiance. Her background was Irish Catholic, but this had never seemed an issue until she needed the morning-after Pill on the one occasion that she had forgotten her diaphragm. Although fully counselled, she had needed tremendous reassurance on more than one occasion that she had not induced an abortion. Her intelligence and education and modern way of life were, in this matter, overwhelmed by a cultural tradition that links the Pill with abortion and mortal sin.

*224/197/1*

Categorizing these men according to the sex-offense groups we have been using, we found a sufficient number of individuals for statistical analysis in six groups. These six groups are: offenders vs. children (63 cases), aggressors vs. adults (21), incest offenders vs. children (28), homosexual offenders vs. children (30), homosexual offenders vs. minors (36), and exhibitionists (31). This totals 207 of our 277 sexual psychopaths; the others are scattered in small numbers throughout the other sex-offender groups.

To compare with these sexual psychopaths we have a sample of 283 other sex offenders, also from California institutions, who were convicted for the same six types of offenses but who were never adjudged sexual psychopaths. Unfortunately, only a few of them had been examined: consequently we do not know how many of the 283 might have been found to be sexual psychopaths. This fact can be expected to favor similarities and minimize differences in comparisons between sexual psychopaths and other sex offenders.

*400\161\2*

We made a further tabulation to discover whether the residence was the home of the offender, of his partner, or joint living quarters for both. In the incest cases it was in almost all instances, as one might expect, a joint residence of the male parent and daughter (93 per cent, 88 per cent, 92 per cent). A common residence also showed up in 40 per cent of the offenses vs. females over sixteen years of age. These are the only four categories in which the joint dwelling place predominates, and the large incidence for offenses vs. adults is explained by the fact that often the couple had moved in together to a hotel, motel, or rooming house just prior to the complaint from parents, neighbors, or authorities which led to charges being filed. Sometimes the relationship was of longer standing, and actually constituted a common-law marriage by the present definition. In not a few instances the sex offender was a roomer or an overnight visitor in the home, or shared an apartment with the family of the female partner.

The offender’s own living quarters comprised the major type of “home” which served as place of the offense in all three age-of-object categories of homosexual offenses as well as in two classes of nonforce offenses against females, those involving children and minors. Specifically, in about a fourth to a third of the cases in all five of these categories. The range is from 23 to 32 per cent. Finally, the residence of the object or victim of the offense was apparently a much less likely location for the sex offense, which occurred there most often in the cases involving force with females over sixteen years of age (24 per cent). The force offenses against females aged twelve to fifteen rank next, with 18 per cent of them taking place in the victim’s home. In comparing these percentages with those in the force offenses against children and minors that occurred in the offender’s own living quarters, one gets a very neat picture. It might be said that while it was possible for the offender to “lure” the younger girls into his own rooms, as they grew older (and more wary), this became increasingly difficult to do. (Among the oldest group of victims only a single case of the force offenses took place under these circumstances.) Consequently the offender found it more and more necessary to seek out his victim in her home, which accounts for the high percentage of cases occurring there. There is another factor, however, that cannot be overlooked in judging the differences here. When one considers that the median age of the adult females who were the victims of sexual offenses involving force is twenty-four, as against only eighteen in the nonforce cases, it seems probable that the older women would be more likely to have an apartment or room of their own and not to be living in the more protected atmosphere of their family’s home.

In summary, the present data suggest that sex offenses occur most typically in a residence or “home,” and that, furthermore, this trend is seen most clearly in the incest and nonforce offenses with females over the age of sixteen. In this latter group, out of the 169 offenses on which we have full data, almost three quarters of them took place in the home of either the offender or of his female companion, or under a roof which was shared as a living accommodation.

One other interesting sidelight is revealed here when one compares the percentages in the heterosexual and homosexual offenses that took place in a residence. The two types of offenses start out at about the same point with 46 and 50 per cent of the cases involving children occurring in a home. But from this common ground they diverge in opposite directions through the next two groups, the heterosexual offenses vs. minors and adults taking place increasingly in the framework of a home, and the corresponding homosexual offenses less often. This opposite trend doubtless reflects the contrasting social patterns associated with the two kinds of sexual behavior. Heterosexual activity such as courting and dating is socially acceptable and as such takes place naturally within the setting of the home. In contrast, the homosexual wishing an adult partner usually must go out and seek him in a public place. Once having made such a contact the homosexual male is often afraid to take the pickup back to his room or apartment, or may indeed get arrested before he has had a chance to do so, especially if it is a case of entrapment by the police.

*362\161\2*

This rank-order is changed very little if one measures what we term more than incidental homosexual activity: six or more partners or 21 or more homosexual experiences. Again the three homosexual-offender groups head the rank-order and the three “anti” groups come at the end. Note that the differences in the proportions of those with any homosexual experience and those with more than incidental experience are less at the upper end of the rank-order and greater at the lower. For example, the figure for the homosexual offender vs. adults falls from 98 per cent (ever experience) to 93 per cent (more than incidental), but the percentage for the incest offenders vs. adults drops from 12 to less than 4. By and large, the two rank-orders agree nicely, but there is one curious exception: the incest offenders vs. children, who fall from 52 per cent to 13 per cent, and consequently go from an intermediate position in the rank-order of ever experience to a low position in the rank-order of more than incidental experience.

In the preceding two paragraphs we have been concerned with homosexual experience either in or out of penal institutions. However, a rank-order based solely upon experience outside: institutions is essentially a duplicate of that based upon total experience, save that the percentages arc slightly smaller—usually by two to ten percentage points. This simply means that there are correspondingly few individuals who confine their homosexual activity to periods when they are incarcerated. In only two groups, the aggressors vs. minors and adults, did a substantial number of those with homosexual activity restrict it to prison (28 and 21 per cent respectively).

Behavior, like most sexual behavior, appears early in postpubertal life. Roughly speaking, half (or more in the case of the homosexual offenders) of those who ever engaged in homosexual activity had done so by age fifteen. The percentages of experienced individuals nearly attain their maxima by age twenty-six. As we have pointed out in our earlier books, one’s basic sexual pattern has not only been established, but practically ossified, by one’s early twenties. The rank-orders of the percentages in each group with homosexual experience by given ages are remarkably stable; one does not find a group radically changing its position. Consequently a sampling taken early in life has a real predictive value. Some groups show lower figures at age fourteen than at age twelve; this is because additional boys reach puberty and thereby become eligible to enter our calculations.

Within the rank-orders one can discern a trend for the heterosexual aggressors against postpubertal females to rank in the upper half whereas those groups whose postpubertal female partners were cooperative or acquiescent (i.e., the heterosexual offenders vs. minors and adults and the incest offenders vs. minors and adults) rank in the lower half and often near the bottom. Heterosexual aggressors, it would seem, often ignore not only the partner’s feelings but the partner’s gender.

The age at which the average (median) individual of each group had his first postpubertal homosexual experience is related only slightly to the average age at attaining puberty. True, the three homosexual-offender groups began their postpubertal homosexuality earliest and also tended to reach puberty early, but this seeming causal relationship is spurious. Actually the early homosexuality in these three groups represents a carry-over from, and continuity with, their unusually extensive prepubertal homosexual experience. In all groups with the exception of three the median individual participated in his first postpubertal homosexual activity at fourteen or fifteen. The three exceptions were cases where the activity was begun at a considerably later age: about nineteen and one half for the heterosexual aggressors vs. children, eighteen for the incest offenders vs. minors and nearly seventeen for the incest offenders vs. children. The former two groups not only had relatively little homosexual play before puberty, but revealed very little continuity between prepubertal and postpubertal homosexual activity.

Whether the first postpubertal heterosexual activity preceded or followed the first postpubertal homosexual activity is a question of considerable interest. In all three homosexual-offender groups the homosexual preceded the heterosexual by from 0.6 year to 1.5 years. While this is not surprising in view of the amount of homosexual play in their childhood and their pronounced tendency to carry the activity over into postpubertal life, it is at first a bit surprising to find that the average (median) peeper had his initial homosexual experience 0.8 year before his first heterosexual experience. This, however, can be explained by their strong homosexual component, coupled with their marked difficulty in making a heterosexual adjustment. (Note they have the poorest adjustment in terms of female companions at ages sixteen to seventeen.) Omitting the incest offenders vs. adults, since only three cases are involved, no other groups show the homosexual clearly preceding the heterosexual. In a few groups, including the control group, the experiences were essentially at the same age, give or take a few months.

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*286\161\2*

The offenses ranged widely in social and psychological significance. At one extreme we find mature males attempting to instigate sexual activity with prepubescent females; at the other extreme we find an eighteen-year-old attempting to facilitate his wishes by giving his fifteen-year-old girl friend some whiskey. Here we run the gamut from an abortive child-molestation to what is nothing more than a high school escapade.

The miscellaneous heterosexual offenders do not constitute a clinical or otherwise discrete entity. Indeed, roughly two thirds of them had been convicted of other sex offenses and have therefore contributed to previous chapters in this volume. One might fairly summarize by saying that the majority of miscellaneous heterosexual offenders were like the heterosexual offenders vs. children, minors, and adults except that the offense behavior had been interrupted before sexual contact developed or that it had occurred but could not be proved. Only one of the miscellaneous offenders vs. children and minors seemed physically dangerous, but four of the ten miscellaneous offenders vs. adults previously or subsequently committed forcible rape.

After subtracting the offenders who parallel the sex offenders already described in this book, one is left with a few men whose offenses were trivial. Examples include providing alcoholic beverages to minors (with seduction in mind), keeping minors out late, and annoying women by persisting in trying to entice them into an automobile.

*247\161\2*